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By Peter A. Chew

This dissertation presents a coherent, synchronic, broad-coverage, generative phonology of Russian. I try out the grammar empirically in a few how you can confirm its goodness of healthy to Russian. In taking this procedure, I objective to prevent making untested (or even incoherent) generalizations in response to just a handful of examples. normally, the exams express that there are exceptions to the speculation, yet at the least we all know what the exceptions are, a baseline is determined opposed to which destiny theories should be measured, and ordinarily the proportion of outstanding circumstances is lowered to under 5%. The imperative theoretical results of the paintings are as follows. First, I exhibit that every one of the phonological or morphophonological strategies reviewed should be defined via a grammar not more strong than context-free. Secondly, i use probabilistic constraints within the syllable constitution grammar to provide an explanation for why constraints on word-marginal onsets and codas are weaker than on word-internal onsets and codas. I argue that the gains [+/- preliminary] and [+/- final], and extraprosodicity, are pointless for this objective.

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G. Hooper 1976: 198, 205-206). Even ignoring the question of how sonority is defined phonetically, there is disagreement on what the 38 sonority hierarchy is; and until this issue is resolved, as Selkirk points out, discovering the phonetic correlates of sonority will be difficult. For example, Clements (1990: 292-296) proposes a hierarchy where obstruents are less sonorous than nasals, nasals less sonorous than liquids, and liquids less sonorous than glides. Glides, in turn, are seen as non-syllabic vowels.

Gvozdev 1949: 64-65, Panov 1968: 80, Oliverius 1974: 104105). The minimal pairs in (20) are commonly cited as examples12. ,. %,. %+2. "5+> (1&3&<26&) (1&3<&2'+6&) (#H&26+) (#H&2'+6+) (A'D0'DB+%) (A'D0'DB'+%) ‘this cat’ ‘this weaves’ ‘animal nursery’ (instr. ) ‘we shall weave it together’ ‘banks, shores’ ‘keeping’ (gerund) Halle (1959) appears to be alone in not treating all the velars alike: his inventory (p. 2'! B'=

4 describe a phrase-structure sonoritybased theory about Russian syllable structure. e. 2). However, the nature of the constraints needed to account for Russian syllable structure is far from obvious. 4 is to establish what these constraints are, rather than debating the issue of how syllable structure is assigned. 5 to select four key aspects of Russian phonology which have attracted attention in the literature: the constraints on the consonant clusters 34 permissible in Russian, assimilation in voicing and palatalization, word-final devoicing and reduction of unstressed vowels.

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